More than one
month after the deadly earthquake, Nepalis are still coming to terms with the cruelties it left behind: a baby killed because he had gone for an early nap, a mother dead clutching her baby to her chest, the body of a man found still upright in a chair at the barbershop. All 8,778 lives lost so far and the thousands injured have similar tragedies to tell.
The earthquake has not only shaken our lives, it has also shifted narratives, with new perceptions jostling to unseat established ones. These changes might not be counted on the Richter scale but the repercussions will be widespread. The social shudders will have an impact on the complex political task of federating Nepal—a process Nepal was midway through when the quake struck (the recent 16 point agreement between the big political parties is an indication of this)—to the simple act of building a house which until now was measured in terms of its height rather than utility.
Beyond war
More importantly, this earthquake is set to provide us with a new reference point; it will replace the Maoist war as the most defining event in contemporary Nepal. For nearly 19 years, Nepal has revolved around the Maoist insurgency. The rise of the Maoists since 1996, the overthrow of the monarchy, and their landslide victory in the 2008 elections has been as spectacular as their fall since the 2013 elections, where they faced a humiliating defeat owing to their no-show in governance and primarily due to their agenda of federating Nepal along identity, mainly ethnic lines—the potential for communal conflict was rightly feared by the public.
Nonetheless, the Maoists continued to dictate the key agenda, until now. As there is set to be increased migration of people from different castes across the country in the aftermath of the quake and basic needs take priority, ethnic politics will and should find even fewer advocates. This is not to say that the conflict agenda is lost, but the Maoist war will no longer hold a monopoly over how to build Nepal’s future. As the tectonic plates grinding underground begin to stabilise, Nepal’s political parties too will be forced to find new equilibriums. Smaller parties have already taken the lead over established ones in relief efforts, Bibeksheel being one of them. Ironically, this may even give a new leash on life to the beleaguered Maoists, a perfect excuse to discard unpopular policies of the past, and champion reconstruction without having to apologise for the deconstruction and mayhem.
We have also discovered that Nepal is not as weak as is often projected. Even if the government has been found severely lacking and compassionless in part, many elements of the state, primarily the Nepal Army, the police and other civil administrative divisions, functioned beyond their capacity. In fact, it is probably the first time since the Maoist war that the Army and the police have been cheered on their arrival. The Nepal Police’s social media team is so responsive that they do not even feel like the police. This gives huge leverage to change the anti-people narrative that they are generally associated with. But, while the earthquake opens up a creative space, it does not absolve either the Maoists or the state, including the security forces, from sweeping transitional justice issues and real inclusion issues under the carpet.
The Valley and villages
Had the earthquake hit anywhere else but the Kathmandu Valley, our perceptions might not have changed. Even during the terrifying Maoist war, Kathmandu was partially shielded from the worst of the atrocities faced by the people in rural areas.
When the earthquake hit, the city’s residents were shaken to their core. This will change one of the most clichéd narratives floating around. One that blames Kathmandu for all the woes of Nepal, for developing at the expense of its periphery, a favourite dependency theory assumption. Now, Kathmandu too can demand, legitimately and unapologetically.
This is not such a bad idea, because the joke is that Kathmandu is not actually developed, despite sucking away all resources. It is more of an unplanned settlement where 2.5 million people have been crammed reeling under a miserable public infrastructure, severe drinking water deficit and electricity blackouts for years. Other smaller cities in Nepal fare better than the Capital. This is not to say that rural parts of Nepal do not need attention. They need it even more, but Nepal’s nature of underdevelopment is too complex to explain along the lines of Kathmandu versus the rest. It is time to discard this linear notion of development (including one ethnic group versus the other) and adopt a more holistic approach to development. Kathmandu has the potential to be a beautiful city.
On the other hand, the sheer hardships faced by people living on inaccessible hills and landslide prone areas makes one wonder why we accept such harsh conditions? Should we be this resilient? We need to etch out a new development and political narrative, of course, one that includes the whole of Nepal and not just those affected by this earthquake. It is only a matter of time before another disaster hits another region destroying another set of lives.
Govt and donors
Then, there is the popular but misguided representation of the government as weak, corrupt, and inefficient versus the international community as benevolent and knowledgeable. Huge resources are at stake and the more one side is seen to be untrustworthy, the more money will flow to the other side. However, this issue is far too complex to be drawn into a linear comparison; both are imperfect (see BBC’s report titled ‘Where is Nepal aid money going?’). Both sides need each other to effectively respond, both have specialised knowledge and capacity that can complement each other, should they stop squabbling. Both sides would do well to remember that they are being watched by a sceptical and vocal Nepali public, which is monitoring both the relief work and the high salaries of aid workers.
Nepal also has functioning accountability institutions (as seen in National Human Rights Commission’s intervention in the case of the World Food Programme, which was found to have distributed substandard rice to survivors), and to think that the government would get away with complete complacency and corruption is political naivety.
Nepali identity
During a training programme on responding to emergencies, I was shocked how negatively disaster survivors were portrayed; apparently all survivors turn into looters in the aftermath of disasters. Nepal has challenged this mainstream emergency narrative. While the need to be vigilant when resources are scarce and people in dire need can never be underestimated, Nepal has taken precautions. By and large, post-quake relief has been peaceful and systematic. Of course, there have been exceptions. With discrimination and patronage still in operation, safety can be an issue. But it is well acknowledged that local communities and individuals have been more a source of support and cooperation than is generally expected in such scenarios. Even victims have passed on relief to more needy people.
The most positive narrative to emerge from this earthquake is the emergence of a Nepali identity, a conflicted term in recent times. This new identity appears to be overwhelmingly based on altruism; it is on the back of this that we will rebuild Nepal.
Khadka has a PhD from Monash University and writes on international development, social policy, and child rights
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